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One approach alters how the world presents itself to a person the other alters people’s lens for making sense of an aspect of the world (see Figure 1C, middle panel). There can be multiple potential points of entry to do so, such as by changing how a specific experience is presented to people (e.g., framing feedback from teachers in adaptive ways, Yeager, Purdie-Vaughns et al., 2014, Experiments 1 and 2), or by encouraging a new view of a class of experiences (e.g., teaching students to interpret feedback in general in adaptive ways, Yeager, Purdie-Vaughns et al., 2014, Experiment 3). A broadly important intervention strategy, then, is give people a new basis for drawing a more adaptive inference, interrupting the flow of ideas that become self-defeating from socio-cultural contexts into minds. As these examples imply, meanings, including negative ones about both the self and social events, are not just “in the head” but typically are reasonable responses to the world as it presents itself to a person.

In turn, pejorative inferences can lead to self-defeating cycles of behavior, such as failing to try hard in school (Blackwell et al., 2007 Valins & Nisbett, 1971 Wilson & Linville, 1982). In many academic contexts, awareness of the possibility of race-based disrespect can lead Black students, as compared to White students, to consider very different causes of critical academic feedback, even when both are trying to form reasonable impressions of the world (Cohen, Steele, & Ross, 1999). She might then conclude that a poor score on a first algebra test means she is “not good at math.” Cultural stereotypes also create specific risks or contingencies, and, thus, different perspectives for making sense of the same event (Steele, 1997). A 9th grader might reasonably infer, from the existence of “Gifted and Talented” programs, a corporate focus on “talent” (Murphy & Dweck, 2010), and praise like “You’re so smart!” (Gunderson et al., 2013 Haimovitz & Dweck, 2016 Mueller & Dweck, 1998), that intelligence is a fixed quality that cannot change. Sometimes the available information leads people to draw pejorative inferences. Instead, people do their best to draw inferences that are consistent with their experiences and the information available to them. They also agree that there is often no single “truth” to be discovered, such as about one’s self-identity, ability in school, or how a romantic partner “really” feels. All approaches in this group, however, share the assumption that people often act like rational information processors-lay scientists trying to make sense of themselves and others as best they can. Subsequent research has examined how people make sense of themselves (e.g., their identity) and the social world (e.g., their relationships) more generally (e.g., Miller, Brickman, & Bolen, 1975 Murray et al., 2006), and broadened the view of the kinds of information people use to draw these inferences, including features of the cultural context (Markus & Kitayama, 2010 Stephens et al., 2012). Initially researchers focused on how people make causal attributions about behavior, as documented in decades of research on attribution theory (Bem, 1972 Heider, 1944, 1958 Jones & Davis, 1965 Kelley, 1967 Weiner, 1985). People strive to develop reasonable understandings of themselves, other people, and the world around them, so as to understand and predict their own and other people’s behavior and to guide their behavior effectively (Heider, 1958).